A Security Council resolution that sets out principles for peace. Not a peace treaty: no party signed it, and it draws no borders and sets no timetable. Over time it became the agreed basis for the talks and agreements that followed.
In 30 seconds
Five months after the 1967 war, the Security Council agreed on a few short lines. Israel would withdraw from territories occupied in the war; in return, the state of war would end and every state in the area could live in peace within secure and recognised boundaries.4 Later agreements rest on it,1314 and one small word in it is still argued over.5
Where it stands today
The resolution still stands. The 1978 Camp David framework and the PLO's 1993 letter to Israel both rest on it.1314 As of October 2026 no permanent-status talks between Israel and the Palestinians are under way.15
In one sentence
To set a formula for ending the 1967 war: Israeli withdrawal from occupied territory, in return for an end to the state of war and every state's right to live in peace.
The challenge
In six days of war in June 1967, Israel took Sinai and the Gaza Strip, the West Bank including East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. According to the UN, about half a million Palestinians were displaced, in a second wave of displacement.1
On 19 June 1967 Israel's government decided in secret to offer peace to Egypt and Syria on the basis of the international border and Israel's security needs. It took no decision on the West Bank, and passed the decision to the United States.2 By October 1968 the position had hardened: peace with Egypt would require Israel to keep a strip of land from Eilat to Sharm el-Sheikh.2
The Arab League summit in Khartoum, which ended on 1 September 1967, chose political efforts to secure Israel's withdrawal, within three principles: no peace with Israel, no recognition of it, no negotiations with it, and insistence on the rights of the Palestinian people.3
The road there
The Security Council adopts Resolution 242 unanimously. Britain's Lord Caradon drafted most of it, in close coordination with the United States.45
In the middle of the 1973 war, Resolution 338 calls for a ceasefire, for 242 to be carried out in full, and for negotiations between the parties.67
The PLO, which had rejected the resolution for two decades, accepts it as a basis for an international conference; see the PLO's road.5
The people
Mediated
Gunnar Jarring
What the resolution says
The preamble: territory may not be acquired by war, and a just and lasting peace is needed in which every state can live in security.4
Withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict.4 The English text has no “the” before “territories”; see the disputes below.
An end to all claims or states of belligerency, and respect for every state's sovereignty and its right to live in peace within secure and recognised boundaries, free from threats or acts of force.4
Freedom of navigation through international waterways, and guarantees such as demilitarised zones.4
A just settlement of the refugee problem. The Palestinians are not named.4
A UN special representative to help the states reach an agreed settlement.4
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Layers · Legend
International boundary agreed in a peace treaty
Treaty line with Jordan, “without prejudice to the status” of the territory beyond it
1949 armistice line (“Green Line”) — not an agreed final border
“Blue Line” — UN line of withdrawal (2000), not a border
Ceasefire / disengagement line with Syria (1974)
Other international boundary
West Bank and Gaza Strip: permanent status not agreed
Golan Heights: held by Israel since 1967; annexation not recognised by the UN
UN area of separation (UNDOF)
Classification follows the original research as of 7 Oct 2026. This schematic map is not a legal boundary map or a live update.
International boundary agreed in a peace treaty
Treaty line with Jordan, “without prejudice to the status” of the territory beyond it
1949 armistice line (“Green Line”) — not an agreed final border
“Blue Line” — UN line of withdrawal (2000), not a border
Ceasefire / disengagement line with Syria (1974)
Other international boundary
West Bank and Gaza Strip: permanent status not agreed
Golan Heights: held by Israel since 1967; annexation not recognised by the UN
UN area of separation (UNDOF)
Schematic map. Lines are approximate and are not a legal determination. Data: Natural Earth (public domain), 1:10m scale; line classification and place names by this site. Lines as of October 2026. Peace map
The hard decisions
The text is vague on purpose. According to the Institute for Palestine Studies encyclopedia, Caradon kept the wording loose and added no binding mechanism, so the whole Council could accept it.5 It does not say which comes first, withdrawal or peace, and has no map or timetable.4 So different sides could accept it and mean different things.5
Syria rejected the resolution in 1967. It accepted it only implicitly, by accepting Resolution 338 in 1973.5
The PLO rejected it: first because it implied recognising Israel, later because it treated the Palestinian question as a refugee problem.5 The Palestinian National Council repeated the rejection in June 1974.8
Israel accepted the resolution,5 but not a return to the pre-war lines. In February 1971 it told Jarring it would withdraw to secure, recognised and agreed boundaries set in a peace agreement, not to the lines that existed before 5 June 1967.9
Where accounts differ
According to Israel; and, on the wording, Lord Caradon, who drafted the text
The English text speaks of withdrawal “from territories”, without “the”. According to the Institute for Palestine Studies encyclopedia, supporters of this reading conclude that full withdrawal is not required, and Caradon and others said the wording was deliberate, leaving the final lines to negotiation.5 In 1971 Israel said it would not withdraw to the lines that existed before 5 June 1967.9
According to The Arab states that accepted the resolution
The resolution requires withdrawal from all the territories. Critics of the Israeli reading point to the French text, “des territoires”, with the article,5 and to the preamble's ban on gaining territory by war.4 In 1971 Egypt told Jarring that a lasting peace needs withdrawal from all territories occupied since 5 June 1967.9 The Arabic text published by the Institute for Palestine Studies also has the article: «من الأراضي التي احتلتها في النزاع الأخير».10
According to The PLO, until 1988
The resolution is unacceptable at its root, because it ignores the national rights of the Palestinian people and treats their cause as a refugee problem.8 In 1988 the PLO accepted it, together with its declaration of a state, as a basis for negotiation.5
According to Historians, on the Israeli cabinet decision of 19 June 1967
The familiar account, going back to Foreign Minister Abba Eban, is that Israel made a generous offer and the Arab states turned it down; the State Archives introduction says the decision went secretly to the United States and no positive reply came.2 The historian Avi Raz argues from the archives that it was never passed to Egypt as an offer. Uri Bar-Joseph, reviewing his study, accepts that finding, but finds Raz's argument about the decision's wording weaker.11
According to Historians, on the Khartoum summit
In Israel, Khartoum was read as shutting every door. The historian Avi Shlaim argues that it was a win for the moderates, who wanted withdrawal by political means: Arab spokesmen, he says, read the “noes” as ruling out a formal treaty, direct talks and legal recognition, not a state of peace or talks through third parties.12 The resolution itself contains both the three “noes” and the commitment to political effort.3
What was carried out
Gunnar Jarring was appointed special representative and began his mission in December 1967.5
Egypt, Jordan and Israel accepted the resolution.5
In 1978 the Camp David framework made Resolutions 242 and 338 the agreed basis for a settlement;13 see the peace treaty with Egypt.